Californians for Electoral Reform |
PO Box 128, Sacramento, CA 95812 916 455-8021 |
|
Home | About CfER | Join / renew | Calendar | Search |
---|
Voice
for Democracy Newsletter
of Californians for Electoral Reform Fall 2005 |
Redistricting
Reform: Right Problem, Wrong Solution
Since
November 8, there has been considerable discussion about the failure of
ballot measures in California and Ohio to implement independent
redistricting. Unfortunately, most of these discussions miss the point
about what is wrong with our current electoral system and how to reform
it. And none of them arrive at the proper conclusion, which is that
it is time for America to join most other Western democracies in adopting
a proportional voting system. People
who supported these measures consider their ballot box failure as a
significant missed opportunity to correct the almost complete lack of
competition inherent in our current system. People who opposed these
measures point to the significant flaws in the design of the independent
redistricting alternatives or to partisan motives of the proponents.
In
either case, both the proponents and the opponents of independent
redistricting make the faulty assumption that the whole issue is about who
should draw the lines for single-member legislative districts
(i.e. where only one legislator is elected from each district) and
what those district boundaries should look like. Once this
assumption is made, we have already eliminated the only real opportunity
to achieve true competition and fair representation, which is to move from
our current winner-take-all electoral system to a more fair and
representative proportional system. It
is taken almost as a given that competition is the ultimate goal when
determining legislative districts. Why is that? Certainly we
envision that competitive districts will lead to a richer debate around
the issues. We also assume that candidates will have a greater incentive
to represent the wishes of the majority of the electorate if they need to
compete to win their votes. But perhaps more fundamental than these
obvious reasons is a belief that competitive districts are more fair than
districts in which the outcome is all but pre-determined, generally with
the incumbent winning. Americans value "fairness" and many
people see it as inherently unfair that a large percentage of the voters
in each district have no chance to elect a representative who shares their
views. Thus the desire to make legislative districts competitive is both a
desire to make politicians more accountable and to give all voters a
greater say in who represents them. The
paradox is that achieving competition in legislative districts actually
makes them less fair rather than more fair. Consider an almost
perfectly competitive district, where 50 percent of the voters support one
major party and 50 percent support the other major party. Obviously,
elections in this hypothetical district are very competitive, but how fair
is the result? In our winner-take-all system using single-member
districts, half of the voters in that district will be represented, i.e.
have a representative who shares their views, whereas the other half of
the population is effectively marginalized. The
first thing most newly elected officials say when they win is that they
will "represent all of the voters and not just those who voted for
them". Sadly, this is not often the reality in our highly
polarized political culture. Elected officials may want to
represent all of their citizens, but voters are deeply split on many of
the most important issues of our time, and so the political philosophies
and policy agendas of the major parties are often diametrically opposed.
Thus voters who live in districts that elect winners from the opposing
party are effectively unrepresented. As a result, competitive
districts provide good representation to roughly half of the voters in
those districts and little or no representation to the other half of the
voters. By contrast, in a district heavily favoring one party, a
larger majority of the voters are represented by someone they support,
but there is no competition. An
example of how a substantial percentage of the voter base is marginalized
is the liberal enclave of Northern California. Despite having
overwhelming Democratic majorities in San Francisco, San Mateo, Santa
Clara, Santa Cruz, Alameda, Marin, and Monterey Counties, these areas
still have significant percentages of Republican voters, typically between
20 percent and 35 percent of the voters declaring a party affiliation.
These Republican voters are never able to elect a member of their party.
The same is true for Democratic voters in conservative strongholds.
It is fantasy to think that independent redistricting will solve this
problem, as the various regions of California are now dominated by one or
the other major party. Competition
and representation are mutually exclusive in a winner-take-all
single-member district system. You can have one but not the other. Given
that, it does not matter who draws the district lines in a single-member
district system or how they are drawn since we already know that the
solution will not produce both competition and fair representation.
Evidently independent redistricting is not the answer. So
what is the answer? We need to have districts that elect more than
one person to the
Legislature
and we need to elect these multiple representatives using a proportional
voting system. A moderately proportional voting system for California’s
Assembly could be based on having 16 five-member districts instead of
our existing eighty single-member districts. Under a
proportional voting system, if 60 percent of the voters in such a district vote
Democrat and 40 percent vote Republican, three of the five seats would go to
Democrats and two of the seats would go to Republicans. Each party
would achieve representation in proportion to the support they have
among the public. Such
a system would also be inherently competitive, as members of both parties
would need to get out to vote in order to receive as much representation
as they can. And even in an area dominated by one party, the
candidates from that party would still be competing among themselves to
win the seats that the voters of that party are entitled to. It's
time to move beyond rehashing the same tired debate about who draws the
district lines and think about what it really means to be represented and
how to provide fair representation to all citizens. And that
requires that we consider proportional voting in multi-member legislative
districts. Rob
Dickinson, Executive Vice President |
To join CfER, or renew your membership, please visit |